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Internet the Key Front in China’s Battle With Western Hostile Forces: Military Paper

Reuters, May 20, 2015

BEIJING–The Internet is the most important front in China’s ideological battle against “Western anti-China forces”, the country’s military newspaper said on Wednesday, adding that online controls were essential to the government’s survival.

Calls to reject Western thought and values have grown stronger under President Xi Jinping, who has urged more “ideological guidance” at universities and the study of Marxism.

Like many officials before him, Xi is steeped in the long-held belief of the ruling Communist Party that loosening control could bring chaos and the break-up of China.

China must defend its “sovereignty” in cyberspace with ideological purity, or “the public will be led astray by the enemy,” the People’s Liberation Army Daily said in a commentary reposted on the website of Seeking Truth, a leading Communist Party journal.

“Western hostile forces, as well as a few ‘ideological traitors’ in our country, are using the Internet on their computers and mobile phones to viciously attack our party,” it added.

“The fundamental purpose is to use ‘universal values’ to confuse us, and ‘constitutional democracy’ to disturb us.”

The Communist Party has long railed against Western values, including concepts such as multi-party democracy, judicial independence and universal human rights.

The commentary called for a massive “Red Army” of “seed-planters and propaganda teams” to defend the “online Great Wall”.

China operates one of the world’s most sophisticated online censorship mechanisms, known abroad as the Great Firewall. Censors keep a grip on what can be published online, particularly content seen as potentially undermining the party.

“Western anti-China forces have consistently sought in vain to make use of the Internet to topple China,” the commentary added, calling control of the Internet a “hidden war” for the hearts and minds of the public.

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Spurred by Western criticism, Russians experience something new: patriotism

By Fred Weir, CS Monitor, May 18, 2015

MOSCOW–The snapping point came for Pavel Melikhov, he says, when he heard President Obama compare Russia to a disease.

In a speech to the UN last September, the president listed the top threats to global security, with Ebola coming first, “Russian aggression in Europe” second, and the Islamic State group in third place. Mr. Melikhov, a middle-aged Moscow-area businessman, says that moment crystallized his way of thinking about his country and its place in the world.

He had felt supportive when Moscow annexed Crimea last year–as did a huge majority of Russians–and says he believed that President Vladimir Putin was defending Russia’s natural interests by backing Russian-speaking rebels in eastern Ukraine against a revolutionary, anti-Moscow government that took power in Kiev last year. But Mr. Obama’s remark jolted him by revealing a gaping chasm between what seemed obvious to him, as a Russian, and the way people in the West seem to perceive the same events.

“It wasn’t just me. All my co-workers were stunned,” he says. “The leader of the US put our country on a blacklist with a virus and a terrorist organization. That says it all. The masks are off. The US is not a friend; it’s ‘us’ and ‘them’ now. I have finally and completely understood that.”

Melikhov is not an outlier in today’s Russia; indeed, he appears to be part of the new normal. Over the past year something has happened in the broad public mind, which looks to some experts like the birth of a distinct Russian nationalism for the first time in history.

In the past, Russia was an empire, then a communist colossus, then a “defeated” power that was expected–even by its leaders–to adopt Western ways. To be a “Russian” always meant being part of a state with grand ambitions and an ideology that did not address, or even admit, a separate Russian existence.

But amid a global geopolitical crisis over Ukraine, its pro-European revolution, and the civil war it triggered, “we see Russians groping for an identity more intensely than ever before in the past quarter century,” says Masha Lipman, an independent political expert.

“There’s a clear nationalist drive, yet still no clarity on what the new identity is. Russia is no longer an empire, but not yet a nation state,” she says.

It’s not that Melikhov was unpatriotic before. When he was a boy, he was a regular at Desantnik, a private downtown Moscow military-patriotic club started in the 1980s and run by former special services officers. There, young people are taught paramilitary skills like hand-to-hand combat, flying, parachuting, and marksmanship.

The club’s president is Yury Shaparin, a veteran of the Soviet Union’s war in Afghanistan, who says he founded the club to foster patriotic values among young people in practical ways, mainly through physical training. He kept it going through the bitter years following the USSR’s collapse, when the economy imploded and then-President Boris Yeltsin led Russia down a path that seemed to accept not only the West’s hegemony, but also its political, economic, and cultural values.

“There seemed like no room for being a Russian. It was hard to feel patriotic under Yeltsin,” Mr. Shaparin says, standing in Desantnik’s gym, where about a dozen young people are learning to kickbox. Nearby there is a rack of Kalashnikov rifles, for shooting practice.

The past decade-and-a-half under Mr. Putin have been years of relative prosperity, when people got on with their private lives and paid little attention to politics. But, according to Shaparin, the events of the past year have awakened a sense among Russians that they are not like people in the West, their country has its own interests, and they have no one to rely on but themselves.

“We don’t wish for war, and we don’t feel the West is an enemy, but many people now see that they are trying to force us into a box, surround us with military bases, make us give up Ukraine, and break up what’s left of our country,” he says.

“What we teach here is that Russia can be saved, and all these sanctions and NATO threats can be defeated, if Russians grow more aware, learn to be strong and fit, and be willing to work together to build a better country. Nothing good will come from giving in to outside pressure.”

Public opinion surveys offer snapshots of this emerging mood.

Most frequently cited are the approval ratings of Putin, which have remained at a stratospheric 80-plus percent over a year–a span that started with anti-Moscow revolution in Kiev. That was followed by fallout of all kinds: the hasty annexation of the mainly Russian-populated Crimean peninsula; covert Kremlin support for pro-Russian separatists in Ukraine’s bitter civil war; increasing Western sanctions on Russia’s economy along with efforts to isolate Moscow on the world stage; a harsh economic crisis; and a near-catastrophic plunge in the value of the national currency, the ruble.

A year after the annexation of Crimea, a poll by the state-run VTsIOM agency found that two-thirds of respondents approved of the action, and 89 percent believed the territory shouldn’t be returned to Ukraine under any circumstances. A March survey by the independent Levada Center found that 68 percent believe that Russia is a “great power,” up from 30 percent in an identical poll taken 10 years ago.

Another recent VTsIOM poll found only a slight majority of Russians were even aware of Western sanctions against the country, but of those, well over 80 percent believed the sanctions were imposed with ill intent toward Russia. Less than 1 percent thought the West had “good intentions.”

Most alarmingly, anti-American sentiment is at its highest peak since reliable polling of Russians began in the mid-1980s. According to a March Levada survey, 73 percent of respondents had a “negative” attitude toward the US, up from 56 percent a year earlier.

These data points connect to make a coherent picture, say experts. The Ukrainian crisis was just a trigger for a process that was waiting to happen, says Olga Kamenchuk, an expert with VTsIOM. “Such changes in popular views do not come out of the blue.”

Russians have been mentally distancing themselves from the Western model of life for some time. But the Ukrainian crisis brought forth a flurry of reactions, including solidarity with Russian-speaking “compatriots” such as Crimeans and eastern Ukrainians, the sense that a hostile West is working to surround Russia and thwart its regional interests, and vaguer yearnings for a deeper sense of national purpose.

“Whatever is happening in modern Russia is a process, not an accident, and it can be expected to unfold further,” says Ms. Kamenchuk.

The Kremlin has worked hard to shape these perceptions and harness them to ensure its own political survival. Some basic concepts of the new patriotism have been initially expressed by Putin, then amplified by the vast state propaganda machine, which dominates what most Russians see and hear.

They include the notion of the “Russian World,” whose geography extends beyond Russia’s borders to embrace people whose language, culture, and mindset–though not necessarily ethnicity–are Russian, such as Crimeans, Abkhazians, Transdnistrians, and quite a few other far-flung groups.

The assertion that Russia has a responsibility to protect such populations, and perhaps gather them back to the Motherland, has set nerves jangling around Eastern Europe. Another, also originating with Putin, is the claim that liberals, gays, and other “Westernized” Russians represent a “fifth column” that threatens to subvert Russian society from within.

“For Russian mass opinion, the appeal to force is very popular. Force increases respect,” says Alexei Grazhdankin, deputy director of the Levada Center. “Russians easily accept that the West’s antagonism toward our country is based on pure hostility. Even if living standards are worsening, they don’t doubt the official explanation that it’s due to ‘enemy action’ and not our own policies. Basically, Russians have always wanted to live in a strong country, and they are prepared to pay a price for that.”

But while Russians may be more patriotic than ever in their hearts, most have yet to express that patriotism through action. Attempts to convince Russians to actually join patriotic organizations and stage huge, Soviet-style pro-Kremlin street demonstrations, have not proven to be so successful.

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The Existence of God

http://anchor.tfionline.com/post/existence-god/

A compilation

Audio length: 8:58
Download Audio (8.2MB)

Multitudes, multitudes in the valley of decision! For the day of the Lord is near in the valley of decision.—Joel 3:14

Does God exist? This is arguably the most important question that one will ever ask. The answer to this question will change how one views reality, morality, ethics, values, and life’s decisions. The existence of God determines how one sees life and interprets reality. The answer has eternal ramifications. American philosopher and author Mortimer Adler said, “More consequences for thought and action follow the affirmation or denial of God than from answering any other basic question.”—Brian Auten

*

C. S. Lewis once remarked that God is not the sort of thing one can be moderately interested in. After all, if God does not exist, there’s no reason to be interested in God at all. On the other hand, if God does exist, then this is of paramount interest, and our ultimate concern ought to be how to be properly related to this being upon whom we depend moment by moment for our very existence. So people who shrug their shoulders and say, “Does God exist? What difference does it make?” merely show that they haven’t yet thought very deeply about this problem.—William Lane Craig
Pondering His existence

In today’s ever-changing and increasingly complex and computerized world, more and more people find themselves so caught up in the frenzied rush to become successful financially, they often have little time to ponder such seemingly “abstract” matters as the meaning of life, peace of mind, love for their fellow man, or even the eternal welfare of their own souls. After all, such concerns could be quite distracting or actually detrimental to the pursuit of the most popular “god” of this world, a god that commands the world’s worship and devotion—money and material wealth.

From the time they are very young children, many people have it ingrained in them that the only way to attain happiness in life is to:

1) Get a good education, preferably with a degree from a prestigious university.

2) Land a promising job with a successful company or corporation.

3) Make enough money to purchase a new automobile, a nice house or two, and furnish and equip it with all the various luxury items and hi-tech electronic gadgets that are equated with success.

This route to riches usually requires a lifetime of blood, sweat, tears, and toil. But as the years pass, people often find that company or social pressures have filled them with stress and anxiety, not peace or satisfaction. Their private lives often suffer as a result, as they’re unable to find enough time to spend with their families and loved ones.

This world and all of its treasures and fleeting pleasures can never truly satisfy the soul of man. Material things may temporarily satisfy, but they can never satisfy the eternal longing of the soul or the spirit of man for lasting joy, peace, and fulfillment that can never be met or fulfilled by mere material gain.

This is why the rich and powerful are often the most miserable of all men. They already possess everything that most people think can satisfy them and make them happy. They’ve already attained all the material things their hearts could desire, and to their sorrow they discover that things cannot satisfy or fill their empty hearts and starving souls

Although many people today take little time to ponder the existence of a Creator, of God, when a personal crisis or tragedy suddenly strikes—an unexpected accident or critical illness, a death in the family, a great personal loss of any kind—all the goods of this world and the pleasures of this life can do nothing to bring back a loved one who has passed through death’s door. Houses, lands, and a stockpile of luxury items can do nothing to rekindle a love that has grown cold or heal a heart that’s been broken. It is during such times of crisis that people frequently realize that the true values of life are far more important than mere material wealth.

“What is life all about? What am I here for? Is there a purpose, a plan for me? And if so, what is it?” Questions such as these have stirred the soul and imagination of man throughout the ages. Regardless of our country, color, or creed, our hearts all hunger for the same things—for lasting love, genuine happiness and peace of mind, truth and beauty, meaning and purpose.—David Brandt Berg
The evidence of His existence

It certainly is reasonable to suggest that if there is a God, He would make available to us evidence adequate to the task of proving His existence. But does such evidence exist? And if it does, what is the nature of that evidence? … Every material effect must have an adequate antecedent cause. The Universe is here; intelligent life is here; morality is here; love is here. What is their adequate antecedent cause? Since the effect can never precede, or be greater than the cause, it stands to reason that the Cause of life must be a living Intelligence that Itself is both moral and loving. When the Bible records, “In the beginning, God…,” it makes known to us just such a First Cause.—Bert Thompson

*

When it comes to ultimate things, the specific question at issue is whether “someone is there.” Should we believe there is a God who stands behind all that we see, or should we conclude that there isn’t? Or that no one can ever, really know. How do we generally decide if “someone is there”? Of course, the easiest way to know that someone is there is to actually see the person. That would constitute direct evidence. In courts of law, direct evidence of identification is usually quite helpful. But there are other, equally valid ways of knowing, such as by deduction or inference. The footsteps you see in the sand are pretty powerful indicators that someone was recently walking by. Mail in your mailbox did not spontaneously appear. We may not know much about the source of these things, but we would be wise to conclude that they did not appear on their own.—Al Serrato

*

When it comes to talking about God’s existence, the word “proof” generally enters into the discussion. Yes, I have heard the statement, “You can’t prove the existence of God.” The problem with this statement is that we have an equivocation issue with the word “prove.” So if mathematical proof is required for the existence of God, then I will agree that God’s existence cannot be proven in this way. But if by “prove” we mean we are required to give ”adequate evidence for,” then we can prove the existence of God.—Eric Chabot

*

Two things fill the mind with ever-increasing wonder and awe, the more often and the more intensely the mind of thought is drawn to them: the starry heavens above me and the moral law within me.—Emmanuel Kant

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Qatar Imprisons BBC Journalists Reporting on World Cup Laborers

By Ben Mathis-Lilley, Slate, May 18, 2015

Earlier in May, German journalists said they had been detained and had their equipment stolen by authorities in Qatar while reporting on the controversial plans to host the 2022 World Cup in the country. As I wrote at the time:

“Treatment of foreign journalists” can thus be added to the list of Qatari World Cup problem issues that already includes treatment of migrant workers, bribery allegations, barbaric human rights laws, and weird, fake paid “fans.”

The Qataris apparently decided that bullying German documentarians wasn’t quite enough, because they’re now accused of imprisoning and stealing equipment from employees of one of the world’s largest and best-known news organizations, the BBC:

We were on a quiet stretch of road in the capital, Doha, on our way to film a group of workers from Nepal … Suddenly, eight white cars surrounded our vehicle and directed us on to a side road at speed. A dozen security officers frisked us in the street, shouting at us when we tried to talk. They took away our equipment and hard drives and drove us to their headquarters … At 01:00, we were taken to the local prison.

BBC journalist Mark Lobel says he spent two nights in prison, and the BBC says its equipment has not yet been returned. A Qatari government statement said the BBC crew was “detained” because it “trespassed on private property.”

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