Does your faith need strengthening? Are you confused and wondering if Jesus Christ is really "The Way, the Truth, and the Life?" "Fight for Your Faith" is a blog filled with interesting and thought provoking articles to help you find the answers you are seeking. Jesus said, "Seek and ye shall find." In Jeremiah we read, "Ye shall seek Me, and find Me, when ye shall seek for Me with all your heart." These articles and videos will help you in your search for the Truth.

Thursday, September 14, 2017

Israel Endorses Independent Kurdish State

(Reuters) Israel supports the establishment of a Kurdish state, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Wednesday, as Kurds in Iraq gear up for a referendum on independence that lawmakers in Baghdad oppose.

Here's an excerpt from the Wikipedia article about Oden Yinon's plan for greater Israel.

Oded Yinon's 1982 "Zionist Plan for the Middle East"

The term Yinon Plan refers to an article published in February 1982 in the Hebrew journal Kivunim ("Directions") entitled 'A Strategy for Israel in the 1980s'.[1] Kivunim was a quarterly periodical[2] dedicated to the study of Judaism and Zionism which appeared between 1978 and 1987,[3] and was published by the World Zionist Organization's department of Information in Jerusalem.[4] The article was penned by Oded Yinon, reputedly a former advisor to Ariel Sharon,[5], a former senior official with the Israeli Foreign Ministry[6][7][8][9] and journalist for the Jerusalem Post.[10]It is cited as an early example of characterizing political projects in the Middle East in terms of a logic of sectarian divisions.[11] Otherwise, it was mentioned in conspiracy theories according to which the article either predicted or planned major political events in the Middle East since the 1980s, including the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the overthrowing of Saddam Hussein, the Syrian Civil War and the rise of the Islamic State. Some conspiracy theories claim the article was adopted by members of the Institute for Zionist Strategies in the American administration until it was adopted by the Bush administration as a way to further American interests in the Middle East, as well as achieving the Jewish dream of a state "from the brook of Egypt to the Euphrates", encompassing the majority of the Middle East, as written in the Hebrew Bible.[12]

In his article Yinon proceeds to analyze the weaknesses of Arab countries, by citing what he perceives to be flaws in their national and social structures, concluding that Israel should aim to bring about the fragmentation of the Arab world into a mosaic of ethnic and confessional groupings.[8] 'Every kind of inter-Arab confrontation,' he argued, would prove to be advantageous to Israel in the short term.

[18]Iraq

Yinon considered Iraq, with its oil wealth, to be Israel's greatest threat. He believed that the Iran-Iraq war would split up Iraq, whose dissolution should be a strategic Israeli aim, and he envisaged the emergence of three ethnic centres, of Shiites governing from Basra, the Sunni from Baghdad, and the Kurds with a capital in Mosul, each area run along the lines of the administrative divisions of the former Ottoman Empire.[18]

Linda S. Heard, writing for CounterPunch in 2006, reviewed recent policies under George W. Bush such as the war on terror, and events in the Middle East from the Iran-Iraq war to the Invasion of Iraq in 2003, and concluded:

There is one thing that we do know. Oded Yinon's 1982 "Zionist Plan for the Middle East" is in large part taking shape. Is this pure coincidence? Was Yinon a gifted psychic? Perhaps! Alternatively, we in the West are victims of a long-held agenda not of our making and without doubt not in our interests.[18] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yinon_Plan

Monday, June 12, 2017

Saturday, April 29, 2017

Tuesday, May 19, 2015

Key Iraqi City Falls to ISIS as Last of Security Forces Flee


By Tim Arango, NY Times, May 17, 2015

BAGHDAD–The last Iraqi security forces fled the provincial capital of Ramadi on Sunday, as the city fell completely to the militants of the Islamic State, who ransacked the provincial military headquarters, seizing a large store of weapons, and carried out executions of people loyal to the government, according to security officials and tribal leaders.

The fall of Ramadi to the Islamic State, despite intensified American airstrikes in recent weeks in a bid to save the city, represented the biggest victory so far this year for the extremist group, which has declared a caliphate, or Islamic state, in the vast areas of Syria and Iraq that it controls. The fall of Ramadi also laid bare the failed strategy of the Iraqi government, which had announced last month a new offensive to retake Anbar Province, a vast desert region in the west of which Ramadi is the capital.

“The city has fallen,” said Muhannad Haimour, the spokesman for Anbar’s governor. Mr. Haimour said that at least 500 civilians and security personnel had been killed over the last two days in and around Ramadi, either from fighting or executions. Among the dead, he said, was the 3-year-old daughter of a soldier.

“Men, women, kids and fighters’ bodies are scattered on the ground,” said Sheikh Rafe al-Fahdawi, a tribal leader from Ramadi, who was in Baghdad on Sunday and whose men had been resisting the Islamic State, also known as ISIS or ISIL.

He also said, “All security forces and tribal leaders have either retreated or been killed in battle. It is a big loss.”

A soldier who had been stationed at the Anbar Operations Command headquarters said the forces left behind a huge cache of heavy weapons that had recently been sent by Baghdad, including rocket-propelled grenades and heavy machine guns. The weapons had been supplied by both the United States and Russia.

“ISIS is gaining more weapons, and the battle will be harder in the future,” said the soldier, who declined to give his name because he feared for his life.

Thursday, May 7, 2015

Who is Bombing Whom in the Middle East?

By Robert Fisk, The Independent, May 03, 2015

Let me try to get this right. The Saudis are bombing Yemen because they fear the Shia Houthis are working for the Iranians. The Saudis are also bombing Isis in Iraq and the Isis in Syria. So are the United Arab Emirates. The Syrian government is bombing its enemies in Syria and the Iraqi government is also bombing its enemies in Iraq. America, France, Britain, Denmark, Holland, Australia and–believe it or not–Canada are bombing Isis in Syria and Isis in Iraq, partly on behalf of the Iraqi government (for which read Shia militias) but absolutely not on behalf of the Syrian government.

The Jordanians and Saudis and Bahrainis are also bombing Isis in Syria and Iraq because they don’t like them, but the Jordanians are bombing Isis even more than the Saudis after their pilot-prisoner was burned to death in a cage. The Egyptians are bombing parts of Libya because a group of Christian Egyptians had their heads chopped off by what might–notionally–be the same so-called Islamic State, as Isis refers to itself. The Iranians have acknowledged bombing Isis in Iraq–of which the Americans (but not the Iraqi government) take a rather dim view. And of course the Israelis have several times bombed Syrian government forces in Syria but not Isis (an interesting choice, we’d all agree). Chocks away!

It amazes me that all these warriors of the air don’t regularly crash into each other as they go on bombing and bombing. And since Lebanon’s Middle East Airlines is the only international carrier still flying over Syria, I’m even more amazed that my flights from Beirut to the Gulf have gone untouched by the blitz boys of so many Arab and Western states as they career around the skies of Mesopotamia and the Levant.

The sectarian and theological nature of this war seems perfectly clear to all who live in the Middle East–albeit not to our American chums. The Sunni Saudis are bombing the Shia Yemenis and the Shia Iranians are bombing the Sunni Iraqis. The Sunni Egyptians are bombing Sunni Libyans, it’s true, and the Jordanian Sunnis are bombing Iraqi Sunnis. But the Shia-supported Syrian government forces are bombing their Sunni Syrian enemies and the Lebanese Hezbollah–Shia to a man–are fighting the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s Sunni enemies, along with Iranian Revolutionary Guards and an ever-larger number of Afghan Shia men in Syrian uniforms.

Over the past three days, by the way, Hezbollah members in Lebanon have been told to stand by to return to Syria in the next two weeks to fight a great battle in the Qalamoun hills–across the north-east border of Lebanon–lest Isis tries to push into Lebanon itself and cut Hezbollah’s supply line from Hermel to Baalbek and southern Lebanon.

And if you want to taste the sectarianism of all this, just take a look at Saudi Arabia’s latest request to send more Pakistani troops to protect the kingdom (and possibly help to invade Yemen), which came from the new Saudi Crown Prince and Defence Minister Mohammed bin Salman who at only 34 is not much older than his fighter pilots. But the Saudis added an outrageous second request: that the Pakistanis send only Sunni Muslim soldiers. Pakistani Shia Muslim officers and men (30 per cent of the Pakistani armed forces) would not be welcome.

It’s best left to that fine Pakistani newspaper The Nation–and the writer Khalid Muhammad–to respond to this sectarian demand. “The army and the population of Pakistan are united for the first time in many years to eliminate the scourge of terrorism,” Muhammad writes. But “the Saudis are now trying to not only divide the population, but divide our army as well. When a soldier puts on a uniform, he fights for the country that he calls home, not the religious beliefs that they carry individually… Do they (the Saudis) believe that a professional military like Pakistan… can’t fight for a unified justified cause? If that is the case then why ask Pakistan to send its armed forces?”

And then, of course, there are the really big winners in all this blood, the weapons manufacturers. Raytheon and Lockheed Martin supplied £1.3bn of missiles to the Saudis only last year. But three years ago, Der Spiegel claimed the European Union was Saudi Arabia’s most important arms supplier and last week France announced the sale of 24 Rafale fighter jets to Qatar at a cost of around £5.7bn. Egypt has just bought another 24 Rafales.

It’s worth remembering at this point that the Congressional Research Services in the US estimate that most of Isis’s budget comes from “private donors” in–you guessed it–Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the UAE and Kuwait.

But blow me down if the Yanks are back to boasting. More than a decade after “Mission Accomplished”, General Paul Funk (in charge of reforming the Iraqi army) has told us that “the enemy is on its knees”. Another general close to Barack Obama says that half of the senior commanders in Isis have been liquidated. Nonsense. But it’s worth knowing just how General Pierre de Villiers, chief of the French defence staff, summed up his recent visits to Baghdad and Iraqi Kurdistan. Iraq, he reported back to Paris, is in a state of “total decay”. The French word he used was “decomposition”. I suspect that applies to most of the Middle East.

Wednesday, May 6, 2015

The Wild Man Prophecy

By Dennis Edwards: 

Most everyone knows that Abraham is the father of both the Jewish and Arab nations. However, most people do not realize that both Jews and Arabs are descendents of Shem. In fact, according to Biblical chronology, Shem and Abraham’s lives overlap by about 100 years. So Abraham could have known Shem. The point I am trying to make here is that both Jews and Arabs are Shemites or Semites, that is, descendents of Shem.

The word anti-Semitism comes from Shem’s name. Since both Arabs and Jews are Shemites or Semites, the word anti-Semitism should mean those who are prejudice to both Arabs and Jews. Instead it is used to designate hatred or prejudice toward the Jewish people. According to Wikipedia the word was first “coined in the late 19th century in Germany as a more scientific-sounding term for Judenhass or Jew-hatred."[1]

In any event, Abraham is the father of the Jewish people through Isaac the son of Abraham’s wife Sarah. But Abraham is also the father of the Arab nations through Ishmael, his son through his wife’s handmaiden Hagar. Ishmael was actually older than Isaac. Because of the jealousy which was arising between Hagar and Sarah and ultimately between their descendants, Sarah asks Abraham to put away both Hagar and her son Ishmael.

Abraham laments, but God tells him to yield to his wife’s request. Hagar and her son are put out of the camp and wander in the desert. In her desperation Hagar calls out to the Lord for help and he helps her. The angel responsible for her rescue prophesizes over Ishmael saying,

And he will be a wild man; his hand will be against every man, and every man’s hand against him; and he shall dwell in the presence of all his brethren.[2]

The Lord also says, “For I will make him a great nation.”[3]

And later:

These are the sons of Ishmael, and these are their names, by their towns, and by their castles (or encampments); twelve princes according to their nations.[4]

Have the Arab nations been traditionally “a wild man?” Surely there manner of gaining converts during some of their reign over the Middle East since the time of Mohammed has been by force. Also, since they are a tribal people, each tribe tends to keep to themselves and have strong tribal preferences. Therefore, even though they are brothers, they find it hard to agree and have through history been in constant squabbles among themselves, which we even see today in the Sunni- Shiite division. We see it in the “liberated” nations of Iraq and Libya. Without a strong man dictator to force the different tribal areas to work together, the country soon falls into chaos which every man’s hand against each other.

The Israeli’s realizing that the Arabs are often against each other, have used the fact to their advantage in the Middle East conflict. Because of their knowledge of the Arab weakness, they have been able to prevent some attempted unions by Arab leaders which could have proved dangerous to Israel’s national security. Secret documents have shown that the Mossad have used the philosophy of divide and conquer as their foreign policy using their expert intelligence to foment division among the Arab nations. As long as the Arab nations are fighting among themselves Israel’s security is safe and Israel becomes the most dominant military power in the area.

On June 25, 2014 blogger Brandon Martinez wrote the following on his blog commenting on the fighting in Iraq between the different Muslim groups confirming Israel’s policy:[5]

On the June 22 edition of NBC’s Meet the Press, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu let slip his government’s intention to divide and conquer the Middle East. Remarking on the latest ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) incursions into Iraq, Netanyahu expressed the desire of his regime to promote internal strife in Israel’s neighboring states. “We must weaken both [Sunni and Shia Muslims],” Netanyahu said, implying that it is in Israel’s interests to have Muslims fighting and squabbling amongst themselves.

“When your enemies are fighting each other, do not strengthen either one of them, weaken both,” said the Israeli leader.

Martinez continues,

That is what ISIS was created to do. The terrorist militia’s American, Israeli and Saudi backers are content to see these roving bands of malcontents and marauders behead their way to Damascus and Baghdad. What better way to solidify Israel’s position as the sole hegemon in the region?

Fragmenting, weakening and Balkanizing the Middle East has been part and parcel of the Israeli impulse from the very beginnings of the Jewish state.

Martinez brings to our attention that oddly enough, back in 1982, Israeli military strategist Oded Yinon had written a paper called, “A Strategy for Israel in the 1980s.” At the time Iraq was Israel’s most powerful and potential adversary and Israel’s greatest threat. Yinon, therefore, advocated the territorial dissection of Iraq into three states. Each state would be based on ethnic and confessional roots, namely Kurds, Shiites and Sunnis. Yinon promoted the same scenario for the other Arab/Muslim states surrounding Israel, including Syria, Egypt, Lebanon and Iran. Some experts claim the idea of a Middle East divided along Arab tribal lines goes back as far as the 1920s.

According to Martinez, Yinon believed that fractured and divided Arab/Muslim countries could not pose any challenge to Israeli dominance. He insisted,

Every kind of inter-Arab confrontation will assist us in the short run and will shorten the way to the more important aim of breaking up Iraq into denominations as in Syria and in Lebanon.

Martinez concludes,

Yinon’s geopolitical blueprint is still very relevant today. His vision of a crippled and prostrate Arab/Muslim world is playing out before our very eyes.

Will Iraq be redrawn into three parts in the near future in fulfillment to Yinon’s suggested strategy?

Footnotes:

[2]Genesis 16:12
[3] Genesis 21:18
[4] Genesis 25:16
[5] http://martinezperspective.wordpress.com/2014/06/25/isis-insurrection-serves-israels-interests/

Monday, April 27, 2015

U.N. Refugee Official Calls Situation in Syria and Iraq ‘Unsustainable’

By Rick Gladstone, NY Times, April 24, 2015

The war that has engulfed Syria and spread into Iraq has displaced 14 million people, including four million Syrian refugees scattered to neighboring countries, and it has created “host fatigue,” which has further aggravated the crisis, United Nations officials said Friday.

In remarks to the United Nations Security Council, the officials also rebuked its 15 members for what they called a failure to exert authority to intervene in the four-year-old Syria war, which has left 220,000 people dead.

The officials described the Iraqi territorial gains of the Islamic State, the Syria-based extremist group, as an unforeseen shock to an already overstretched emergency aid system. They called the crisis in both countries a contributor to the surge of people risking death at sea to reach Europe.

“One thing is clear: the situation in the region has become utterly unsustainable,” António Guterres, the United Nations high commissioner for refugees, said in remarks to the Council. He called the crisis “a cancer that risks spreading and metastasizing.”

Mr. Guterres was one of four United Nations officials who briefed the Council–the others were his agency’s celebrity global emissary, Angelina Jolie Pitt; Valerie Amos, the departing emergency relief coordinator; and Staffan de Mistura, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon’s special envoy for Syria.

Mr. de Mistura’s briefing was held privately. Officials at the United Nations offices in Geneva said earlier Friday that he had invited representatives of Syria’s government and opposition groups to meet with him there separately next month as part of his effort to revive peace talks.

Mr. de Mistura’s efforts, like those of the two special envoys that preceded him and resigned in frustration, have shown little sign of progress.

The remarks by Ms. Jolie Pitt, who has visited Syrian refugees 11 times since the war began, were in some ways the most eagerly anticipated because of her celebrity aura. They were also among the harshest.

“International humanitarian law prohibits torture, starvation, the targeting of schools and hospitals–but these crimes are happening every day in Syria,” she said. “The Security Council has powers to address these threats to international peace and security–but those powers lie unused.”

Ms. Jolie Pitt, who has been a representative of United Nations causes for 13 years, also said: “We cannot look at Syria, and the evil that has arisen from the ashes of indecision, and think this is not the lowest point in the world’s inability to protect and defend the innocent.”

Many Syrian refugees, she said, had lost all hope. She invited Council members to visit them in the refugee camps of neighboring countries to “see first hand their suffering and the impact it is having on the region.”

Mr. Guterres expressed particular worry about enormous stresses imposed on Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq, which have absorbed nearly all of the Syrians who have fled, echoing recent Jordanian warnings that “we are seeing a growing ‘host fatigue.’ “

“There are increasing tensions between communities, as local families struggle harder to cope the longer the conflict drags on,” he said.

The situation in Iraq has been compounded by that country’s own surging population of displaced people. Doctors Without Borders, the medical charity, said in a statement Friday that 2.6 million Iraqis were now on the run from conflict. Ms. Amos, in her remarks to the Council, despaired over what she described as widespread disregard for its resolutions requiring humanitarian aid access to civilians. She said “the government, armed and terrorist groups continue to kill, maim, rape, torture and take Syria to new lows that seemed unimaginable a few years ago.”

Sunday, October 12, 2014

Fighting the Islamic State--how much will it cost?

By Linda J. Bilmes, Boston Globe, October 08, 2014

TWELVE YEARS ago we stumbled into a war in Iraq with little thought as to how much it would cost or how we might pay for it. Trillions of dollars later, we are about to wade into another protracted conflict, and once again there is no financial strategy.

President Obama and his military top brass have pronounced that the effort to defeat the Islamic State will be “long”—translation: expensive. The Pentagon has admitted to spending over $1 billion so far, with the current pace running at some $10 million per day. Todd Harrison of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments believes the annual bill for military operations will range from $4 billion to $22 billion, depending on duration, scope, and the extent to which ground forces get involved—which is becoming increasingly likely. Obama has ruled out sending troops, but it is clear the Pentagon has not given up on boots on the ground—they just may not be worn entirely by Americans.

The experience of Iraq and Afghanistan proves that the price tag may be steep. In addition to the bill for military operations, there are costs associated with veterans’ benefits, depreciation of equipment, humanitarian aid, covert action, and paying (as the US frequently does) for the military efforts of our coalition “partners.”

Caring for veterans is a major expense, even in a short conflict. In the 1991 Gulf War, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia paid for most of the upfront US military operations—but today the Department of Veterans Affairs pays $4 billion per year in compensation to US veterans of that conflict. For Iraq and Afghanistan, the veterans’ costs will be much higher. Fifty percent of the troops who served to date will receive medical and disability benefits for the rest of their lives—amounting to some $1 trillion that the United States owes but has not yet paid.

Even bigger than the direct costs of the new campaign against the Islamic State is the dramatic U-turn in the political mood toward military spending. Twelve months ago, the wartime culture of “endless money,” as former Defense Secretary Robert Gates dubbed it, with its endless “emergency” funding from Congress (nearly $2 trillion in more than 30 special funding bills)—was finally coming to an end. The Beltway was filled with talk of belt-tightening at the Department of Defense, including a 10-year $497-billion cut imposed by the so-called sequester. The Pentagon was proposing to shrink the size of the armed forces, trim military compensation and benefits, and mothball expensive weapons and military installations left over from the Cold War.

But now that’s all so-last-fiscal-year. The new trend is ramping up Pentagon spending. At their press conference last week, Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel and Martin Dempsey, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, declared that they don’t have enough funding to conduct the operation against the Islamic State.

In addition, Congress is refusing to let the Pentagon make even modest changes to its current base benefit plan. This will surely encourage the department to ask for another blank check to pay for new operations. Requests are already mounting.

The combined cost of abandoning planned cutbacks at the Defense Department, new spending to combat the Islamic State, and extra foreign military assistance means that America will wind up spending up to $100 billion more on military activities than we had expected this year alone.

This amount should force Americans to debate the trade-offs between current spending priorities and the cost of expanding military operations against the Islamic State. But instead, Washington assumes that we will simply borrow whatever is needed—and continue to pass the cost of today’s wars onto future generations. This feckless approach has already led to much higher national debt, as well as rampant waste and corruption in our military appropriations. More importantly, the policy of paying for wars on the credit card has contributed to a widening gap between the small percentage of the US population who are serving in the volunteer force and the rest of us—who are neither serving nor bearing the financial burden.

Financing the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts with debt has hidden the true costs from public view. Over the past 14 years, it has seemed almost unpatriotic to question whether the nation could afford to continue spending 20 cents of every tax dollar on the military—regardless of whether the item in question was necessary or even good value. The United States is a wealthy country, but we are now coping with the legacy of two expensive wars. President Obama has just asked Americans to embark on another decade-long military engagement. He needs to propose a strategy for how it should be paid for, and what sacrifices will be required.

Linda J. Bilmes is a senior lecturer at the Harvard Kennedy School and co-author of “The Three Trillion Dollar War: The True Cost of the Iraq Conflict.”

Monday, September 29, 2014

The Wild Man Prophecy and Its Affect on the Middle East!

By Dennis Edwards --

Most everyone knows that Abraham is the father of both the Jewish and Arab nations. However, most people do not realize that both Jews and Arabs are descendants of Shem. In fact, according to Bible chronology, Shem and Abraham’s lives overlap by about 100 years. So Abraham could have known Shem. The point I am trying to make here is that both Jews and Arabs are Shemites or as we say today Semites, that is, descendents of Shem.

The word anti-Semitism comes from Shem’s name. Since both Arabs and Jews are Shemites- Semites, the word anti-Semitism should mean those who are prejudice to both Arabs and Jews. Instead it is used to designate hatred or prejudice toward the Jewish people. According to Wikipedia the word was first“coined in the late 19th century in Germany as a more scientific-sounding term for Judenhass or Jew-hatred."[1]

In any event, Abraham is the father of the Jewish people through Isaac the son of Abraham’s wife Sarah. But Abraham is also the father of the Arab nations through Ishmael, his son through his wife’s handmaiden Hagar. Ishmael was actually older than Isaac. Because of the jealousy which was arising between Hagar and Sarah and ultimately between their descendants, Sarah asks Abraham to put away both Hagar and her son Ishmael.

Abraham laments, but God tells him to yield to his wife’s request. Hagar and her son are put out of the camp and wander in the desert. In her desperation she calls out to the Lord for help and he helps her. The angel responsible for her rescue prophesizes over Ishmael saying,

And he will be a wild man; his hand will be against every man, and every man’s hand against him; and he shall dwell in the presence of all his brethren.[2]

The Lord also says, “For I will make him a great nation.”[3]

And later:

These are the sons of Ishmael, and these are their names, by their towns, and by their castles (or encampments); twelve princes according to their nations.[4]

Have the Arab nations been traditionally “a wild man?” Surely there manner of gaining converts during some of their reign over the Middle East since the time of Mohammed has been by force. Also, since they are a tribal people, each tribe tends to keep to themselves and have strong tribal preferences. Therefore, even though they are brothers, they find it hard to agree and have through history been in constant squabbles among themselves, which we even see today in the Sunni- Shiite division. The disunity of the Arabs was brought out in the old film "Lawrence of Arabia" about a WW1 British soldier who helped the Arabs in their fight for liberty from the Turks. We see it within the “liberated” nations of Iraq and Libya. Without a strong man dictator to force the different tribal areas to work together, the country soon falls into chaos which every man’s hand against each other.

The Israelis realizing that the Arabs are often against each other, have used the fact to their advantage in the Middle East conflict. Because of their knowledge of the Arab weakness, they have been able to prevent some attempted unions by Arab leaders which could have proved dangerous to Israel’s national security. Secret documents have shown that the Mossad have used the philosophy of divide and conquer as their foreign policy using their expert intelligence to foment division among the Arab nations. As long as the Arab nations are fighting among themselves Israel’s security is safe and Israel becomes the most dominant military power in the area.

On June 25, 2014 blogger Brandon Martinez wrote the following on his blog commenting on the fighting in Iraq between the different Muslim groups confirming Israel’s policy:[5]

On the June 22 edition of NBC’s Meet the Press, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu let slip his government’s intention to divide and conquer the Middle East. Remarking on the latest ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) incursions into Iraq, Netanyahu expressed the desire of his regime to promote internal strife in Israel’s neighboring states. “We must weaken both [Sunni and Shia Muslims],” Netanyahu said, implying that it is in Israel’s interests to have Muslims fighting and squabbling amongst themselves.
“When your enemies are fighting each other, don’t strengthen either one of them, weaken both,” said the Israeli leader.

Martinez continues,

That is what ISIS was created to do. The terrorist militia’s American, Israeli and Saudi backers are content to see these roving bands of malcontents and marauders behead their way to Damascus and Baghdad. What better way to solidify Israel’s position as the sole hegemon in the region?

Fragmenting, weakening and Balkanizing the Middle East has been part and parcel of the Israeli impulse from the very beginnings of the Jewish state.

Martinez brings to our attention that oddly enough, back in 1982, Israeli military strategist Oded Yinon had written a paper called, “A Strategy for Israel in the 1980s.” At the time Iraq was Israel’s most powerful and potential adversary and Israel’s greatest threat. Yinon, therefore, advocated the territorial dissection of Iraq into three states. Each state would be based on ethnic and confessional roots, namely Kurds, Shiites and Sunnis. Yinon promoted the same scenario for the other Arab/Muslim states surrounding Israel, including Syria, Egypt, Lebanon and Iran. Some experts claim the idea of a Middle East divided along Arab tribal lines goes back as far as the 1920s.

According to Martinez, Yinon believed that fractured and divided Arab/Muslim countries could not pose any challenge to Israeli dominance. He insisted,

Every kind of inter-Arab confrontation will assist us in the short run and will shorten the way to the more important aim of breaking up Iraq into denominations as in Syria and in Lebanon. 

Martinez concludes,

Yinon’s geopolitical blueprint is still very relevant today. His vision of a crippled and prostrate Arab/Muslim world is playing out before our very eyes.

Will Iraq be divided into three sectarian parts in the near future in fulfillment to Yinon’s suggested strategy?

Footnotes:
[2]Genesis 16:12
[3] Genesis 21:18
[4] Genesis 25:16

Wednesday, September 24, 2014

‘There is no future in Iraq.’ Christian refugees escape to France

By John Irish and Antony Paone, Reuters, September 20, 2014

ARBIL, IRAQ—On a warm evening at Arbil International Airport in Iraqi Kurdistan some 150 mostly Christian refugees anxiously waited to flee their homeland aboard a French government plane.

The refugees, of all ages and from 25 different families, had one message as they prepared to fly to Paris to escape the threat of Islamic State militants: Christians and Muslims can no longer live together in Iraq.

Shakeep, a 46-year-old lawyer who worked at Mosul’s main law court, was taking his wife, mother, daughter and nephew to Tours in western France, where his uncle lives. One bag each was all they had left of their belongings.

“There is no future in Iraq. There can be no future between Muslims and Christians here. I leave my life. I’m between sadness and happiness. But with Daech, we can’t come back,” he said, using the Arabic acronym for Islamic State.

The family left Mosul six weeks ago after being given an ultimatum to convert or be killed by the Islamic State militants, who have seized large swathes of Iraq and Syria.

France has led European efforts to bring humanitarian aid to refugees. The government plane, an Airbus A310, delivered 10 more tonnes of blankets, tents, jerry cans and hygiene kits before transporting the refugees back to Paris.

“There are people sleeping outdoors at the moment, but the focus of this delivery is to prepare for the thousands who will still be here in the winter,” a French diplomat said. “It’s a veritable ethnic cleansing that we’ve witnessed here.”

French fighter jets on Friday launched strikes inside Iraq for the first time as part of an international coalition that will initially focus on pushing Islamic State back from Iraq to its power base in Syria. It has also delivered weapons, mostly machine guns and ammunition, to Kurdish Peshmerga fighters.

France, under pressure from public opinion to admit more Christians from the Middle East, has already taken in around 100 people since Islamic State launched its military offensive in Iraq in June.

About 40 Christians arrived from northern Iraq at the end of August, based on strict criteria that they had family ties in France and sufficient resources to survive there. Another 60 have also come by their own means.

For most of the refugees, coming to France brings fear of the unknown. Few speak French and most have never before even taken a plane, let alone traveled to a Western country.

Michel, 56, an electrical engineer from the Christian town of Qaraqosh, held no hope of getting work in France at his age with no French. But he was heading with his two daughters, son and wife to the city of Lyon, where his wife’s brother lives.

“The situation there (in Qaraqosh) was impossible when Daech came,” he said. “They wanted Shariah. They wanted to impose their Islam and they want no Christians.

“We escaped to Arbil from Qaraqosh at the start of August. There were bombs and fighting between Daech and the Peshmerga. Daech took everything: food, televisions, refrigerator, everything. It’s difficult to stay here as a Christian.”

Iraq’s ancient Christian population has more than halved over the past decade or so, from about 1 million before the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 to barely 400,000 by July this year.

Sami, a 28-year old IT technician, is a Sunni Muslim but said he had to leave because his wife is Christian and such mixed marriages are no longer tolerated in Iraq.

“I see this as a chance to start a new life. We are in a Muslim country here and they will always say Christians can’t marry Muslims. My family doesn’t accept this,” he said.

“I was lucky to get on this plane,” Sami added, referring to the fact that unlike many waiting to board the government plane he had no ties to France. “I don’t think I will come back.”

The United Nations says there are now about 1.2 million displaced Iraqis, including 850,000 in the autonomous Kurdish region of northern Iraq where many live in dire conditions.

An estimated 200,000 Christians have fled their homes in the Nineveh region of northern Iraq since Islamic State swept through their villages this summer, demanding they convert to Islam, pay taxes for being Christians or face death.

More than 10,000 Iraqi Christians have already applied for asylum, according to AEMO, a French association that helps minorities in the Middle East, since Paris said in July it would be ready to take hundreds if not thousands.

Among the passengers flying to Paris on Saturday were also a number of Yazidis. Followers of an ancient religion derived from Zoroastrianism, they fled their homeland in the Sinjar mountains as Islamic State militants, who see them as devil worshippers, seized towns and carried out mass killings in August.

Welcoming the refugees personally at Charles de Gaulle airport on Saturday, French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius said that taking too many refugees would hand a symbolic victory to Islamic State, which has the ultimate objective of ridding the country of all those who oppose its austere version of Islam.

Many of the refugees, traumatized by their experiences of the last three months, clearly could not envisage ever returning to a country so deeply split along ethnic and sectarian lines.

“France offers us a better life than Iraq for our health and safety. We hope to stay here,” said 28-year-old Jade.

Pretending we’re not at war

By William Falk, The Week, September 19, 2014

When is a war not a war? U.S. fighter planes are attacking ISIS forces in Iraq and will soon do so in Syria, which meets the common-sense criteria for war. But the U.S. Constitution and the War Powers Resolution of 1973 both require specific congressional authorization for war, and President Obama isn’t asking Congress for permission. For legal authority, he’s citing Congress’s 2001 resolution authorizing President Bush to use military force against anyone who “planned, authorized, committed, or aided” the 9/11 attacks. One problem: ISIS didn’t exist in 2001. Most members of Congress seem fine with Obama’s legal dodge, for reasons of their own. U.S. drones have killed thousands of suspected terrorists in Yemen, Somalia, and Pakistan, but the administration says that’s not a war, either. It’s counterterrorism. Afghanistan? Also a “sort of” war, even though it’s lasted 13 years. Confused? You should be. “By this logic,” said Amy Davidson at The New Yorker this week, “war is both nowhere and everywhere.”

Congress hasn’t declared war since World War II, despite dozens of U.S. military actions since then. Declaring war is unmistakably a grave act, implying a full commitment, national consensus, and the need for collective sacrifice. But Americans have lost their taste for collective sacrifice—and for prolonged conflicts that produce no satisfying conclusion. So when a frightening enemy like al Qaeda or ISIS threatens our sense of security, it suits nearly everyone for the president to promise to blow up the bad guys without asking 99 percent of us to interrupt our pursuit of happiness. Bombs away, turn on the TV, and pass the guacamole.

Wednesday, September 10, 2014

Iraq – a crisis for the Western elites? Or is it all going to plan?

Neil Clark is a journalist, writer and broadcaster. His award winning blog can be found atwww.neilclark66.blogspot.com. Follow him on Twitter

http://rt.com/op-edge/179988-iraq-crisis-western-elites/
August 13, 2014 10:29
It has all turned out rather differently from how those very distinguished neocon “experts”’ told us it would, hasn’t it?

In the lead-up to the illegal invasion of Iraq in March 2003, we were assured “regime change” would lead to peace and stability and be good news for the whole region. The war on terror would be won, if only that great monster Saddam- with his world-threatening weapons of mass destruction- was removed from power. When asked by an interviewer: “If we go into Iraq and we take down Hussein?” the chairman of the Defense Policy Board Richard Perle replied: “Then I think it's over for the terrorists.”

“I have certainly made up my mind, as indeed any sensible person would, that the region in the world, most of all the people of Iraq, would be in a far better position without Saddam Hussein,” said Tony Blair.

Now eleven years on, the US is again intervening in Iraq, but this time to bomb radical Islamists who have taken control of much of the country. And incredibly, and rather obscenely, the neocon politicians, pundits and ‘experts’ who caused the mess in the first place are still lecturing us on what needs to be done.

It was not hard to predict that the violent toppling of Saddam would lead to chaos and that radical Islamists would step into the vacuum.

As I wrote in The Spectator in March 2002, “Like it or not the most likely alternative to the secular regimes of Assad in Syria and Saddam in Iraq would be militant Islamic ones.”

To make matters worse, having toppled Saddam, the invaders destroyed the state infrastructure, purged the civil service of up to 120,000 people and disbanded the Iraqi army. Their actions were a recipe for disaster. “After 2003, not only did the state’s ability to impose order on Iraq disintegrate, but the coherence and capacity of its civil institutions also fell away. The population was bereft of order of state-delivered services,” writes Toby Dodge in his 2012 book Iraq: From War to a New Authoritarianism.

The most charitable explanation is that the neocon strategy was misguided and that these great brains that planned the Iraq war and its aftermath were actually rather stupid. But there is a more sinister and much more plausible explanation. Namely that the West’s imperialist elite set out to deliberately destroy Iraq, and make sure that it would always be a failed state. Iraq is weak and divided precisely because it was meant to be weak and divided. And groups like ISIS/IS have thrived because of the deliberate destruction of a strong state structure.

This is the thesis put forward in the new book by Dan Glazebrook Divide and Ruin: The West‘s Imperial Strategy in an Age of Crisis.

Glazebrook argues that this new strategy of not just pursuing “regime change” but going out to destroy the countries too is a natural result of the US Empire’s declining economic influence. The US can no longer be sure that the new regime it installs in countries where it has toppled the old government, will do its bidding.

So the best strategy is to destroy the country to make sure that it will never again be a strong, independent actor. “It is only in this context that we can understand the apparently ludicrous policies pursued by the West across the Middle East: the promotion of vicious sectarianism, the banning of major political parties, barring officials from work and so on. They are designed to produce weak, divided ‘failed states’, unable to become powerful allies of China or anyone else. Thus the much-criticized failure to plan in Iraq was a plan in itself,” Glazebrook writes.

Under Saddam, Iraq was an independently-minded country which acted as a bulwark to US/Israeli hegemonic plans for the Middle East. So it had to be destroyed- not just “regime changed” but destroyed. That could be achieved by deliberately wrecking state institutions and infrastructure and making sure the Baath party, a non-sectarian organization which stressed Arab unity, was made illegal.

Libya, under Gaddafi, was an independently-minded country too which led to moves to strengthen African unity and oppose US hegemonic plans for Africa. So it too had to be destroyed and turned into a “failed state”.

Syria, under President Assad, also “stood in the way” on account of its alliance with Iran and Hezbollah. So it too was targeted for destruction. If Assad could be removed, all to the good, but even if he couldn’t then the country would be slowly bled to death through the backing, by the west and its regional allies, of violent “rebel” groups.

The side effects

In working to destroy these independently-minded countries (which all incidentally operated socialistic economies, with large nationalized sectors and which stood outside of the IMF/World Bank/WTO global financial dictatorship), it mattered little to the West that the governments of Saddam, Gaddafi and Assad were bulwarks against radical Islamic groups, such as Al-Qaeda. And that fighting against these governments, the West would be giving a major boost to such extremist organizations. On the contrary, the Western elites saw that jihadists and radical Islamic terrorist groups could aid their cause by fighting against the secular, socialistic regimes that they had targeted for removal.

The use of radical Islamic groups to further the West’s imperialist agenda isn’t new. It was of course deployed in the 1980s in Afghanistan, when US funded, trained and supplied military equipment to the Mujahedeen. Afghanistan in the 1980s was, in the words of John Pilger, the award-winning investigative journalist, “where modern jihadism began”- but the American role in promoting it is now conveniently forgotten.

This policy did not end with the fall of the Soviet Union. It continued whenever it could serve western elite interests. The role of the Zionist lobby has to be mentioned as it has been very important in influencing Western strategy.

In 1996 an Israeli think-tank produced the document “A Clean Break: a New Strategy for Securing the Realm,” advising the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Its authors were pro-Israeli US neocons, described as ‘prominent opinion makers’.

The document called for the removal of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, and for action to ‘roll back’ Syria. Fast forward six years. “With several of the "Clean Break" paper's authors now holding key positions in Washington, the plan for Israel to "transcend" its foes by reshaping the Middle East looks a good deal more achievable today than it did in 1996. Americans may even be persuaded to give up their lives to achieve it,”wrote Brian Whittaker in the Guardian in September 2002 as pro-Israel lobby made the case for war with Iraq on a daily basis.

It is indisputable that Israel-first politicians, pundits and journalists were at the forefront of the campaigns for military “intervention” not just against Iraq, but Syria and Libya too, and also were the ones pushing most relentlessly for the imposition of draconian sanctions on Iran, on account of an unproven nuclear weapons program.

Turning Iraq, Syria and Iran into weak and divided “failed states” would be wonderful news for Israel. Iraq, under Saddam Hussein, championed the Palestinian cause.

In 2003, the BBC reported how Saddam had paid out thousands of dollars to the families of Palestinian fighters killed by Israel.

“If you take out Saddam, Saddam's regime, I guarantee you that it will have enormous positive reverberations on the region,” Benjamin Netanyahu told Congress in September 2002. Syria, of course is targeted by the pro-Israel lobby for its alliance with Iran and Hezbollah, while Iran has long been perceived as Public Enemy number one in Tel Aviv.

The hypocrisy of these “Israel-firsters” has been off the scale, the very same people who warn us about the “threat” of Islamic extremism at home and who play the Islamophobic card at every opportunity were the same people who were working round the clock for “regime change” against Middle Eastern governments which were opposed to those religious extremists.

Indeed, if there is any group of people within the Western elites most to blame for rise of groups like ISIS/IS its hardline Zionists. Israel’s enemies in the region simply have to become the US and Britain’s enemies too, even if targeting these “enemy” countries gives a major boost to radical Islamic terror groups. Protecting Israel has to come before everything else. Even before countering Al-Qaeda and its affiliates.

In 2006 Syrian security forces foiled an attack by an Al-Qaeda affiliate on the US Embassy in Damascus

‘Syrian officials came to the aid of the Americans. The US is grateful for the assistance the Syrians provided in going after the attackers’ said White House press secretary Tony Snow- but the gratitude didn‘t last too long. A few years later, the US- under strong pressure from the pro-Israel lobby, was working for the violent overthrow of the government in Damascus. But if fighting Al-Qaeda (and other radical groups like ISIS) was the priority, then the US would be working with Syria not against it- as I argued in an article in 2008.

Little too late

The fact is that ISIS/IS would not be in the strong position it is today, if the US hadn’t decided to topple Assad. WikiLeaks has revealed that in 2010 the Syrian government offered to partner the US to fight groups like ISIS.

Instead of course, the US chose to fight, through terrorist proxies, the Syrian government.

ISIS/IS have been the major beneficiaries of such a policy. As Richard Becker, of the Answer Coalition recently told RT:

“It was the intervention of the United States in Iraq and the US and its partners in Syria, which laid the groundwork for the ISIS organization to develop. In 2010-2011, remember they said they carried out six actions in the whole year. They (ISIS) were practically defunct until the United States and its allies supported the armed opposition inside Syria and gave an opportunity to this organization to develop and come back into Iraq.”

Now of course, the permanent war lobby express their concern for Christians and Yazidis being massacre or threatened with massacre by jihadists in Iraq, but there was little, if any concern from the same people as Christians and other religious and ethnic groups were slaughtered by ‘rebels’ in Syria, with arms supplied by the west and its regional partners.

Anyone who spoke out about the killings of Christians in Syria risked being labeled an ‘Assad apologist’by establishment gatekeepers, whilst a despicable smear campaign was waged against a 61-year-old Syrian-based peace campaigner and nun, Mother Agnes-Mariam, who had been invited to speak at a Stop the War meeting in Britain.

Neither was there too much humanitarian concern over the massacring of black Africans by western-backed anti-Gaddafi “rebels” in Libya. “Racist pogroms were characteristic of the Libyan rebellion from its very inception, when 50 sub-Saharan immigrants were burnt alive in Al-Bayda on the second day of the insurgency,” writes Dan Glazebrook.

But now all of a sudden, it is deemed acceptable by elite gatekeepers, to highlight the massacre of Christians and ethnic religious minorities in Iraq.

If the West is genuinely concerned about countering ISIS/IS then there clearly needs to be a radical change in Middle Eastern policy. For a start we need a “clean break” with the Zionist lobby which has pushed for the violent removal of secular governments in the region, a policy which has caused so much bloodshed and chaos and greatly strengthened the hand of radical Islamic extremists. If the aim is to weaken such radical groups, then that means working with countries like Syria and Iran and not against them regardless of the opinions of Benjamin Netanyahu.

It means encouraging strong states in the region, and secular governments that bring all their people together and which do not follow divisive sectarian policies which exclude large sections of the community. The best bulwark against ISIS/IS is strong states, not weak ones.

Yet there’s little sign of any changes occurring to Western foreign policy and perhaps we would be very naïve to think there would be. British Prime Minister David Cameron and his fellow hawks were prepared to take Britain into a war with Syria last summer, but Cameron does rule out British military intervention against ISIS/IS in Iraq. If the US is really so concerned about ISIS/IS why did they wait until now to take action, and not act earlier in the summer, when it was clear that ISIS/IS was making huge advances? Neocon pundits meanwhile tell us on no account should an anti-ISIS/IS front with Iran and Syria be formed-that really would have Tel Aviv fuming.

The conclusion has to be that while the US wants to check the ISIS/IS advance and protect US personnel (and oil fields) in Iraq, it doesn’t want to destroy it. Radical extremists who behead their enemies and persecute religious and ethnic minorities are far, far, too useful to be destroyed as who knows when the Empire will need them next?
The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT nor of Fight for Your Faith

Wednesday, August 13, 2014

Scrambling Down an Iraqi Mountain, Yazidi Families Search for Missing

By Alissa J. Rubin, NY Times, Aug. 10, 2014

FISHKHABOUR, Iraq—Like sleepwalkers moving under a blazing sun, family after family from the Yazidi minority made their way across the narrow bridge that spans the river between Syria and Iraq, hardly seeming to see where they were going until they reached the Iraqi side.

Then many stopped and looked back, scanning the stream of people walking across the bridge, looking for lost relatives.

“We are waiting for my brother’s family,” said Sabri Caro, 48. “People told us they walked down from the mountain, but they were behind us.”

As a stream of Yazidis made their way down from the Sinjar mountains, where they had been stranded for a week after fleeing the advance of Sunni militants of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, the depth of their plight became increasingly clear.

Many families have been separated, some in their flight to the mountains, some when they made the decision to come down. Many have nowhere to go, and because they fled with nothing, are completely dependent on the generosity of locals and relatives. And many, still dehydrated and hungry from the lack of food and water on the mountain, appeared confused about what to do next.

The Sinjar mountains lie near the Syrian border, and because the way into Kurdistan from inside Iraq is blocked by Sunni militants, the Yazidis hoped to cross the mountains and make their way to Kurdistan through an alternative route.

“We received people until 11 p.m. last night,” said Ibrahim Mohammed, the manager of the Bajid Kandal camp, which is run by the United Nations refugee agency and is the closest to the Fishkhabour border crossing here. There are now about 24,000 people in the camp, and bulldozers are breaking ground for a second camp across the road, but it will take a week to set it up, Mr. Mohammed said.

“The people are upset. Many families have been separated, some family members are still on the mountain, others are still in the Sinjar villages which are controlled by ISIS, and sometimes families are ending up in different camps,” he said.

At least several thousand people crossed the bridge Sunday. Estimates of how many have crossed since Saturday, when the trickle of those who could make it down from the mountains became a flood, ranges from 20,000 to 30,000. By nightfall Sunday, the numbers had slowed considerably from the night before.

As people crossed and collapsed near the border, searching for a patch of shade in the blazing sun, they seemed even more exhausted than those who arrived Saturday, testament to the longer time they spent on the mountain. A woman poured water on her 4-year-old son’s red and swollen feet, while two elderly women were unable to walk without holding on to younger relatives.

Mafrish Shaffadine, who comes from a village south of the Sinjar mountains, described the difficulty of making the choice to come down because some family members were unable to make the journey. “My aunt, my father’s sister, I could not rescue her,” he said, adding that she was still on the mountain but physically could not make it to the top. “We had to leave her,” he said.

The situation for those still on the mountain was far worse. Abu Khadija, an ISIS member reached by Internet messaging, who was traveling in the Sinjar mountains, said he saw “Yazidi women and children dying from thirst and starvation. I saw them with my own eyes taking their last breath, this scene awakened all my pains and sorrows.”

While many families fled from their villages at night after hearing gunfire and receiving calls from neighbors saying that ISIS fighters were on their way, some fled during the day and ran into checkpoints run by the militants. The Caro family, who fled their village of Zurava on Monday, said they were trying to find a way to drive to Syria, but soon discovered that ISIS fighters had blocked the roads.

When the fighters, who were masked, approached the car, everyone fell silent, said Mr. Caro, fearing that they would be shot.

“But they were polite, they didn’t shout or say bad words. They just asked us to become Muslims,” he said. “I told them, ‘We are a peaceful people, and we don’t want to change our faith.’ “

The fighters did not respond, but told the Caro family to turn back. Afraid that they would face death if they tried to pass again and still refused to convert, they went to the mountain.

Demands for conversion are a core demand of ISIS fighters when dealing with non-Muslim minorities. Christians also have been asked to convert or face death, and recently residents of two Yazidi villages that are held by ISIS fighters, Koocho and Hakeemi, were told that they had three days to choose whether to convert or die. The deadline was Sunday. At least 500 Yazidis have been killed by ISIS fighters since they seized Sinjar this month, according to Iraq’s human rights minister, Mohammed Shia al-Sudani.

The inhabitants of Hakeemi managed to escape to the mountains on Saturday night, but the people of Koocho could not. However, when an ISIS official came to Koocho on Sunday, he extended the deadline, said Ahmad Abu Shahab, the community’s mukhtar, a position somewhat like that of a mayor.

For those on the mountain, their best hope is to link up with Yazidi fighters who can guide them to a protected route off the mountain to the north near the Syrian border. The fighters are led by Qassim Sheshu, who has become a hero to Yazidis.

Many of the Yazidis fled with cellphones, and while there is no electricity on the mountain, in some areas they were able to drive their cars up the slopes and charge their phones.

United States officials are also in touch with Yazidis on the mountains who have cellphones, said an administration official.

Several refugees interviewed Sunday described encountering Mr. Sheshu’s fighters as they wandered on the mountain, and the encounters appear to have given them hope they had not been forgotten.

Ali Rashu, 55, who crossed the bridge into Iraq with 50 of his relatives, said they had fled up the mountain above their village, Gubel. From the heights above, he was able to look into the village with some borrowed binoculars and see what ISIS fighters had done to their homes.

“They had blown them up,” he said. “We could see three houses of Yazidi people, the smoke was rising from them. They didn’t do that to the Kurdish or the Arab houses.”

The US bombing its own guns perfectly sums up America’s total failure in Iraq

By Max Fisher, Vox, August 8, 2014

When President Obama announced US airstrikes in Iraq, most observers understood that the US would be bombing members of ISIS. What many did not know was that, in a twist of such bitterly symbolic irony that it could only occur in the Middle East, the US would also be bombing hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of American military equipment.

Here’s why: in the decade since the 2003 US-led Iraq invasion, the US has spent a fortune training and arming the Iraqi army in the hopes of readying it to secure the country once America left. That meant arming the Iraqi army with high-tech and extremely expensive American-made guns, tanks, jeeps, artillery, and more.

But the Iraqi army has been largely a failure. When ISIS invaded northern Iraq from Syria in June, the Iraqi forces deserted or retreated en masse. Many of them abandoned their American equipment. ISIS scooped it up themselves and are now using it to rampage across Iraq, seizing whole cities, terrorizing minorities, and finally pushing into even once-secure Kurdish territory. All with shiny American military equipment.

So the US air strikes against ISIS are in part to destroy US military equipment, such as the artillery ISIS has been using against Kurdish forces.

The absurdity runs deep: America is using American military equipment to bomb other pieces of American military equipment halfway around the world. The reason the American military equipment got there in the first place was because, in 2003, the US had to use its military to rebuild the Iraqi army, which it just finished destroying with the American military. The American weapons the US gave the Iraqi army totally failed at making Iraq secure and have become tools of terror used by an offshoot of al-Qaeda to terrorize the Iraqis that the US supposedly liberated a decade ago. And so now the US has to use American weaponry to destroy the American weaponry it gave Iraqis to make Iraqis safer, in order to make Iraqis safer.

It keeps going: the US is intervening on behalf of Iraqi Kurds, our ally, because their military has old Russian-made weapons, whereas ISIS, which is America’s enemy, has higher-quality American weapons. “[Kurdish forces] are literally outgunned by an ISIS that is fighting with hundreds of millions of dollars of U.S. military equipment seized from the Iraqi Army who abandoned it,” Ali Khedery, a former American official in Iraq, told the New York Times.

More: One reason that ISIS has been so successful at conquering northern Iraq is that it has a huge base of operations in Syria, where it had exploited the civil war to overtake huge swathes of Syrian territory. One reason that ISIS was so successful in Syria is that the US refused to arm moderate Syrian rebels, for fear that the weapons would fall into ISIS’s hands. So that made it easier for ISIS to overpower the under-funded moderate rebels, and now ISIS has seized, in Iraq, much better versions of the weapons that we were so worried they might acquire in Syria. So now we’re bombing the guns that we didn’t mean to give ISIS because we didn’t give guns to their enemies because then ISIS might get guns.

It’s not just ironic; it’s a symbol of how disastrous the last 15 years of US Iraq policy have been, how circuitous and self-perpetuating the violence, that we are now bombing our own guns. Welcome to American grand strategy in the Middle East.

U.S. Actions in Iraq Fueled Rise of a Rebel

By Tim Arango and Eric Schmitt, NY Times, Aug. 10, 2014

BAGHDAD—When American forces raided a home near Falluja during the turbulent 2004 offensive against the Iraqi Sunni insurgency, they got the hard-core militants they had been looking for. They also picked up an apparent hanger-on, an Iraqi man in his early 30s whom they knew nothing about.

The Americans duly registered his name as they processed him and the others at the Camp Bucca detention center: Ibrahim Awad Ibrahim al-Badry.

That once-peripheral figure has become known to the world now as Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the self-appointed caliph of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and the architect of its violent campaign to redraw the map of the Middle East.

“He was a street thug when we picked him up in 2004,” said a Pentagon official who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss intelligence matters. “It’s hard to imagine we could have had a crystal ball then that would tell us he’d become head of ISIS.”

At every turn, Mr. Baghdadi’s rise has been shaped by the United States’ involvement in Iraq—most of the political changes that fueled his fight, or led to his promotion, were born directly from some American action. And now he has forced a new chapter of that intervention, after ISIS’ military successes and brutal massacres of minorities in its advance prompted President Obama to order airstrikes in Iraq.

Mr. Baghdadi has seemed to revel in the fight, promising that ISIS would soon be in “direct confrontation” with the United States.

Still, when he first latched on to Al Qaeda, in the early years of the American occupation, it was not as a fighter, but rather as a religious figure. He has since declared himself caliph of the Islamic world, and pressed a violent campaign to root out religious minorities, like Shiites and Yazidis, that has brought condemnation even from Qaeda leaders.

Despite his reach for global stature, Mr. Baghdadi, in his early 40s, in many ways has remained more mysterious than any of the major jihadi figures who preceded him.

American and Iraqi officials have teams of intelligence analysts and operatives dedicated to stalking him, but have had little success in piecing together the arc of his life. And his recent appearance at a mosque in Mosul to deliver a sermon, a video of which was distributed online, was the first time many of his followers had ever seen him.

Mr. Baghdadi is said to have a doctorate in Islamic studies from a university in Baghdad, and was a mosque preacher in his hometown, Samarra. He also has an attractive pedigree, claiming to trace his ancestry to the Quraysh Tribe of the Prophet Muhammad.

Beyond that, almost every biographical point about Mr. Baghdadi is occluded by some confusion or another.

The Pentagon says that Mr. Baghdadi, after being arrested in Falluja in early 2004, was released that December with a large group of other prisoners deemed low level. But Hisham al-Hashimi, an Iraqi scholar who has researched Mr. Baghdadi’s life, sometimes on behalf of Iraqi intelligence, said that Mr. Baghdadi had spent five years in an American detention facility where, like many ISIS fighters now on the battlefield, he became more radicalized.

Mr. Hashimi said that Mr. Baghdadi had grown up in a poor family in a farming village near Samarra, and that his family was Sufi—a strain of Islam known for its tolerance. He said Mr. Baghdadi had come to Baghdad in the early 1990s, and over time became more radical.

Early in the insurgency, he gravitated toward a new jihadi group led by the flamboyant Jordanian militant operative Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. Though Mr. Zarqawi’s group, Al Qaeda in Iraq, began as a mostly Iraqi insurgent organization, it claimed allegiance to the global Qaeda leadership, and over the years brought in more and more foreign leadership figures.

It is unclear how much prominence Mr. Baghdadi enjoyed under Mr. Zarqawi. Bruce Riedel, a former Central Intelligence Agency officer now at the Brookings Institution, recently wrote that Mr. Baghdadi had spent several years in Afghanistan, working alongside Mr. Zarqawi. But some officials say the American intelligence community does not believe Mr. Baghdadi has ever set foot outside the conflict zones of Iraq and Syria, and that he was never particularly close to Mr. Zarqawi.

The American operation that killed Mr. Zarqawi in 2006 was a huge blow to the organization’s leadership. But it was years later that Mr. Baghdadi got his chance to take the reins.

As the Americans were winding down their war in Iraq, they focused on trying to wipe out Al Qaeda in Iraq’s remaining leadership. In April 2010, a joint operation by Iraqi and American forces made the biggest strike against the group in years, killing its top two figures near Tikrit.

A month later, the group issued a statement announcing new leadership, and Mr. Baghdadi was at the top of the list. The Western intelligence community scrambled for information.

“Any idea who these guys are?” an analyst at Stratfor, a private intelligence company that then worked for the American government in Iraq, wrote in an email that has since been released by WikiLeaks. “These are likely nom de guerres, but are they associated with anyone we know?”

In June 2010, Stratfor published a report on the group that considered its prospects in the wake of the killings of the top leadership. The report stated, “the militant organization’s future for success looks bleak.”

Still, the report said, referring to the Islamic State of Iraq, then an alternative name for Al Qaeda in Iraq, “I.S.I.’s intent to establish an Islamic caliphate in Iraq has not diminished.”

The Sunni tribes of eastern Syria and Iraq’s Anbar and Nineveh Provinces have long had ties that run deeper than national boundaries, and ISIS was built on those relationships. Accordingly, as the group’s fortunes waned in Iraq, it found a new opportunity in the fight against Bashar al-Assad’s government in Syria.

As more moderate Syrian rebel groups were beaten down by the Syrian security forces and their allies, ISIS increasingly took control of the fight, in part on the strength of weapons and funding from its operations in Iraq and from jihadist supporters in the Arab world.

That fact has led American lawmakers and political figures, including former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, to accuse President Obama of aiding ISIS’ rise in two ways: first by completely withdrawing American troops from Iraq in 2011, then by hesitating to arm more moderate Syrian opposition groups early in that conflict.

But well before then, American actions were critical to Mr. Baghdadi’s rise in more direct ways. He is Iraqi to the core, and his extremist ideology was sharpened and refined in the crucible of the American occupation.

The American invasion presented Mr. Baghdadi and his allies with a ready-made enemy and recruiting draw. And the American ouster of Saddam Hussein, whose brutal dictatorship had kept a lid on extremist Islamist movements, gave Mr. Baghdadi the freedom for his radical views to flourish.

In contrast to Mr. Zarqawi, who increasingly looked outside Iraq for leadership help, Mr. Baghdadi has surrounded himself by a tight clique of former Baath Party military and intelligence officers from the Hussein regime who know how to fight.

Analysts and Iraqi intelligence officers believe that after Mr. Baghdadi took over the organization he appointed a Hussein-era officer, a man known as Hajji Bakr, as his military commander, overseeing operations and a military council that included three other officers of the former regime’s security forces.

Mr. Baghdadi has been criticized by some in the wider jihadi community for his reliance on former Baathists. But for many others, Mr. Baghdadi’s successes have trumped these critiques.

The victories gained by the militant group calling itself the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria were built on months of maneuvering along the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, which define a region known as the cradle of civilization.

“He has credibility because he runs half of Iraq and half of Syria,” said Brian Fishman, a counterterrorism researcher at the New American Foundation.

Syria may have been a temporary refuge and proving ground, but Iraq has always been his stronghold and his most important source of financing. Now, it has become the main venue for Mr. Baghdadi’s state-building exercise, as well.

Although the group’s capture of Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, appeared to catch the American intelligence community and the Iraqi government by surprise, Mr. Baghdadi’s mafia-like operations in the city had long been crucial to his strategy of establishing the Islamic caliphate.

His group earned an estimated $12 million a month, according to American officials, from extortion schemes in Mosul, which it used to finance operations in Syria. Before June, ISIS controlled neighborhoods of the city by night, collecting money and slipping in to the countryside by day.

The United Nations Security Council is considering new measures aimed at crippling the group’s finances, according to Reuters, by threatening sanctions on supporters. Such action is likely to have little effect because, by now, the group is almost entirely self-financing, through its seizing oil fields, extortion and tax collection in the territories it controls. As it gains territory in Iraq, it has found new ways to generate revenue. For instance, recently in Hawija, a village near Kirkuk, the group demanded that all former soldiers or police officers pay an $850 “repentance fine.”

Though he has captured territory through brutal means, Mr. Baghdadi has also taken practical steps at state-building, and even shown a lighter side. In Mosul, ISIS has held a “fun day” for kids, distributed gifts and food during Eid al-Fitr, held Quran recitation competitions, started bus services and opened schools.

Mr. Baghdadi appears to be drawing on a famous jihadi text that has long inspired Al Qaeda: “The Management of Savagery,” written by a Saudi named Abu Bakr Naji.

Mr. Fishman called the text, “Che Guevara warmed over for jihadis.” William McCants, an analyst at the Brookings Institution who in 2005, as a fellow at West Point’s Combating Terrorism Center, translated the book in to English, once described it as “the seven highly effective habits of jihadi leaders.”

American officials say Mr. Baghdadi runs a more efficient organization than Mr. Zarqawi did, and has unchallenged control over the organization, with authority delegated to his lieutenants. “He doesn’t have to sign off on every detail,” said one senior United States counterterrorism official. “He gives them more discretion and flexibility.”

Even before the civil war in Syria presented him with a growth opportunity, Mr. Baghdadi had been taking steps in Iraq—something akin to a corporate restructuring—that laid the foundation for the group’s resurgence, just as the Americans were leaving. He picked off rivals through assassinations, orchestrated prison breaks to replenish his ranks of fighters and diversified his sources of funding through extortion, to wean the group off outside funding from Al Qaeda’s central authorities.

“He was preparing to split from Al Qaeda,” Mr. Hashimi said.

Now Mr. Baghdadi commands not just a terrorist organization, but, according to Brett McGurk, the top State Department official on Iraq policy, “a full blown army.”

Speaking at a recent congressional hearing, Mr. McGurk said, “it is worse than Al Qaeda.”

Monday, July 1, 2013

Tuesday, June 4, 2013

China Is Reaping Biggest Benefits of Iraq Oil Boom

By Tim Arango and Clifford Krauss, NY Times, June 2, 2013

BAGHDAD—Since the American-led invasion of 2003, Iraq has become one of the world’s top oil producers, and China is now its biggest customer.

China already buys nearly half the oil that Iraq produces, nearly 1.5 million barrels a day, and is angling for an even bigger share, bidding for a stake now owned by Exxon Mobil in one of Iraq’s largest oil fields.

“The Chinese are the biggest beneficiary of this post-Saddam oil boom in Iraq,” said Denise Natali, a Middle East expert at the National Defense University in Washington. “They need energy, and they want to get into the market.”

Before the invasion, Iraq’s oil industry was sputtering, largely walled off from world markets by international sanctions against the government of Saddam Hussein, so his overthrow always carried the promise of renewed access to the country’s immense reserves. Chinese state-owned companies seized the opportunity, pouring more than $2 billion a year and hundreds of workers into Iraq, and just as important, showing a willingness to play by the new Iraqi government’s rules and to accept lower profits to win contracts.

“We lost out,” said Michael Makovsky, a former Defense Department official in the Bush administration who worked on Iraq oil policy. “The Chinese had nothing to do with the war, but from an economic standpoint they are benefiting from it, and our Fifth Fleet and air forces are helping to assure their supply.”

The depth of China’s commitment here is evident in details large and small.

In the desert near the Iranian border, China recently built its own airport to ferry workers to Iraq’s southern oil fields, and there are plans to begin direct flights from Beijing and Shanghai to Baghdad soon. In fancy hotels in the port city of Basra, Chinese executives impress their hosts not just by speaking Arabic, but Iraqi-accented Arabic.

Notably, what the Chinese are not doing is complaining. Unlike the executives of Western oil giants like Exxon Mobil, the Chinese happily accept the strict terms of Iraq’s oil contracts, which yield only minimal profits. China is more interested in energy to fuel its economy than profits to enrich its oil giants.

Chinese companies do not have to answer to shareholders, pay dividends or even generate profits. They are tools of Beijing’s foreign policy of securing a supply of energy for its increasingly prosperous and energy hungry population. “We don’t have any problems with them,” said Abdul Mahdi al-Meedi, an Iraqi Oil Ministry official who handles contracts with foreign oil companies. “They are very cooperative. There’s a big difference, the Chinese companies are state companies, while Exxon or BP or Shell are different.”

For China, Iraq is one of several countries it increasingly relies on to keep its growing economy running. China recently became the world’s biggest oil importer, and with its consumption growing, it is investing heavily in oil and gas fields around the world—$12 billion worth in 2011, according to the United States Energy Department. Over 50 percent of its oil imports come from the Middle East, even as imports from Iran have been reduced in recent years. “It’s pretty simple,” said Kevin Jianjun Tu, an expert on Chinese energy policies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “China needs more energy and needs to diversify its sources.”

The Iraqi government needs the investment, and oil remains at the heart of its political and economic future. Currently OPEC’s second largest oil producer after Saudi Arabia, the Iraqi government depends on oil revenues to finance its military and social programs. Iraq estimates that its oil fields, pipelines and refineries need $30 billion in annual investments to reach production targets that will make it one of the world’s premier energy powers for decades to come.

The revenue that investment would produce could either help pave over tensions between Kurds, Shiites and Sunnis, or worsen those tensions as competing camps fight over the spoils.

But the kind of investment that is necessary has required contracting the services of foreign oil companies that are not always enthusiastic about Iraq’s nationalistic, tightfisted terms or the unstable security situation that can put employees in danger. Some like Statoil of Norway have left or curtailed their operations.

But the Chinese, frequently as partners with other European companies like BP and Turkish Petroleum, have filled the vacuum. And they have been happy to focus on oil without interfering in other local issues. “The Chinese are very simple people,” said an Iraqi Oil Ministry official who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he did not have permission to speak to the news media. “They are practical people. They don’t have anything to do with politics or religion. They just work and eat and sleep.”

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